January 25 Revolution 11 years on …What exactly happened? (1-3)
Eleven years have passed since the events of January 25 took place in Egypt.
These events are still the most
mysterious and foggy in the history of our country.
Even when we try to read that huge
amount of articles, books, studies, reports and research published about these
events by different, separate and conflicting parties, we will not understand
what actually happened.
However, in my capacity as a researcher,
I can say – with utmost peace of mind – that Egyptians were subjected to the
greatest deception in their history and this is especially clear when it comes
to the reality of what happened in those days.
Before we start our analysis of these
events, I would like to clarify my view about the scientific evaluation of what
happened in this way.
My view is that the events of
January 2011 were not a revolution in the scientific and real sense of the word.
They were not a full-fledged
conspiracy in the scientific and real sense of the word either.
The reality is that these events
constituted a popular uprising against corruption, nepotism and injustice.
Nonetheless, they did not subscribe to a real revolution.
For a revolution to occur, two
factors must be present:
First, objective circumstances
These circumstances mean the
existence of a state of popular dissatisfaction with the regime's policies and
this dissatisfaction has to reach a dead end. These conditions did not
materialize in the case of the 2011 events.
Second, subjective circumstances
These circumstances mean the
presence of political and social forces capable of leading a popular uprising for
the achievement of the higher interests of the nation and the masses. This was
not the case in 2011 either.
The absence of these circumstances
means a change of the course and the concept of the events automatically to something
entirely different.
The absence of the objective
circumstances encourages us to equate the events with what can be called 'political
adolescence' from unconscious political forces that jump in the air.
By the same token, the absence of
the subjective circumstances gives us the chance to assume that the 2011 events
did not subscribe to a revolution.
This opened the door for the kidnap
of the uprising or the events by the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies.
I followed the event closely, and
interacted with its developments.
I knew from the first moment that
the then-ruling regime would not withstand for long in the face of such gusts
of anger from Egyptians.
This anger was coupled with careful
planning by parties seeking to spread chaos in the most turbulent region in the
world to correct the errors of the partition plans that resulted from World War
II, in what came to be known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement.
Nonetheless, this time, they wanted
to do this on the grounds of peace and common interests.
This was a careful plan whose
implementation started a long time before January 2011.
Over the past years, we waged a
fierce on the pages of al Bawaba newspaper at two levels:
First,
a political one that derives from complete rejection of the betrayal of our homeland
under all pretexts.
In this context, the newspaper and
its journalists stood firmly against those who wanted to transform the enormous
energy of anger shown by Egyptians in the fields, into a sabotage process,
seeking to break up Egypt's national institutions in preparation for turning
the country into putty that is easily formed according to the conspiracies of
those who pay more.
We have not refrained from using
all possible means to defend our country.
We faced multiple accusations,
defamation, judicial complaints, and intimidation, things that morphed into moral
and material onslaughts on us.
We did not, however, go back, but
rather grew more determined to confront these attempts. We also developed our
campaign into an international one in all European capitals, from Paris to
London, Munich, Geneva, Brussels and Strasbourg.
Second, a
scientific study of what came to be known as the 'Arab Spring' and the exploitation
by internal and external forces hostile to the natural development of our
societies.
We were aware that part of that
battle took place on the ground. We also believed that the greatest part of
this battle bet on the kidnap of the minds of the public. Some groups planned
to confiscate and control those minds.
We also had to look for what
happened before, after, and during those events, outside and inside Egypt.
The events of January 25 were not
at all separate from what was going on around the world regarding Egypt.
We were sure that some parties
would not be happy with the conclusions we reached. I also know that these
conclusions will be surprising to some other parties.
At the end, however, these were the
conclusions we reached and we are happy with them.
Western agenda
We cannot talk about January 25
without mentioning the Western agenda towards the Middle East.
The talk here is not a secondary one
that can be ignored or dealt with in isolation from what happened in the region
years before 2011, especially those transformations and events that drew the
maps of what was later known as the 'Arab Spring'.
The United States and Western
countries were explicitly declaring their desire for the further fragmentation
of the region in the light of two considerations:
First, it stems from their
awareness of the capabilities of Arab armies, especially the Egyptian army, and
the extent of danger surrounding Israel, since the October 1973 war, and the
unified Arab position during that time. This unified position disturbed all the
plans of the enemy.
Second, Arab countries used the oil
weapon at the time to pressure the US and the West against the background of
their support to Israel. This represented an important motive for Washington
and Western capitals to plan to control this wealth.
Bernard Lewis and his project
During the first Gulf War, also
known as the Iraq-Iran War, in 1980, then-US National security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, said the
US would face a problem instigating a second Gulf War.
The US, he said, could instigate
this war by changing the borders of Sykes-Picot.
British orientalist, Bernard Lewis,
began in 1981 to develop his famous project for dismantling the constitutional
unity of Arab and Islamic countries separately.
This move included Iraq, Syria,
Lebanon, Egypt and Sudan, Iran, Turkey, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia,
Gulf states, and North African countries, others.
The goal was to break up each of
these states into a group of cantons and ethno-religious, sectarian
mini-states.
Lewis attached to his detailed
project a set of maps drawn under his supervision. They included all the Arab
and Islamic countries that were on the list for fragmentation.
He divided the Arab and Islamic
world into 19 countries. These countries were clarified in the Kivunim
documents that were published in February 1982 in Hebrew, under the title 'Israel's
Strategy during the Eighties'.
The documents were written by the
Israeli writer Yoram Beck. They contained the plan, namely of the complete
dismantling and division of the Arab world into small states, bearing the
details of the Zionist-American project to break up the region.
North African countries
Bernard Lewis' plan was to break up
North African states Libya, Algeria and Morocco with the aim of establishing
several states on their ruins as follows:
- The Berber State would be built along the Nubian State
in Egypt and Sudan
- The Polisario State and the remaining parts of Morocco,
Algeria, Tunisia and Libya
- Egypt's division into four states, namely a Nubia State
in the south, a Christian State in the west, an Islamic State in the middle,
and a state under Zionist influence in Sinai. This state would extend to the Nile
River. There are calls for establishing this state now under a new blueprint
for solving the Palestinian issue.
The Arabian Peninsula
and the Gulf
Bernard Lewis' plan was to break up
the Arabian Peninsula region by completely erasing the Gulf states and
abolishing their constitutional existence, so that the region can include only
three states, namely the Shiite state of al-Ahsa which includes Kuwait, the United
Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman, Bahrain, parts of Saudi Arabia and the Sunni state
of Najd. This last one includes parts of present-day Saudi Arabia and parts of
Yemen.
The Sunni state of Hejaz includes
parts of Saudi Arabia and parts of Yemen.
Mesopotamia
Lewis' plan calls for the
fragmentation of Iraq along ethnic, religious and sectarian lines. This will
include a Shiite state in the southern part of the country around Basra, a
Sunni state around Baghdad, and a Kurdish statelet in the north and northeastern
part of Iraq around Mosul in Iraqi Kurdistan (based on parts of the Iraqi,
Iranian, Syrian, Turkish and former Soviet lands).
Levant area
A plan was drawn up to divide this
region into distinct ethnic, religious and sectarian regions (a Shiite Alawite
state along the coast, a Sunni statelet in the Aleppo area, a Sunni statelet
around Damascus, and a Druze statelet in the Golan and Lebanon (the southern
Syrian lands, Transjordan and the Lebanese lands).
These plans are being implemented,
including by destroying the Syrian army and exhausting it in a long war under
the auspices of extremist groups and movements, such as ISIS and al-Nusra
Front, with clear Western, American and Turkish support.
Lebanon
This country was planned to be
divided into eight distinct states along ethnic, sectarian and religious lines (a
Sunni state in the north with Tripoli as its capital, a Maronite state in the
north with Jounieh as its capital, a state in the Alawite Beqaa Valley with
Baalbek as its capital subject to Syrian influence in eastern Lebanon, a
statelet in Beirut under international trusteeship, and a Palestinian canton
around Sidon to the Litani River, a Phalange canton in the south that includes
Christians and Shiites, a Druze state in parts of the Lebanese, Syrian and
Palestinian lands, and a Christian canton under Israeli influence).
Jordan
This country will be liquidated,
its constitutional entity abolished, and its authority transferred to the
Palestinians.
Palestine
Any project for the establishment
of an independent Palestinian state will be demolition, while Palestinians will
be got rid of in preparation for the establishment of Greater Israel.
Iran, Pakistan and
Afghanistan
These three states will be divided
into ten weak ethnic entities, namely Kurdistan, Azerbaijan and Turkestan,
Arabs of Stan, Iran Stan and what was left of Iran after the partition of Balunistan,
Khunistan, what was left of Afghanistan of it after the partition, what
remained of Pakistan after its partition, and Kashmir.
Hidden causes of
division
The question that arises now is why
are the world powers so persistently trying to divide Egypt? Why does a united
Egypt harm them? Why are the same powers at pains seeing other Arab countries united
and strong?
The answer to these questions put our
fingers on the full picture. The same answers can take us back to the year
1973, when the Egyptian armed forces defeated Israel, in a war that remains the
most honorable in modern Egyptian history.
On the day of the war, the American
administration realized that Israel can be wiped out at any moment. The victory
achieved by the Egyptian army could be repeated, and in case of unity among Arab
armies, Israel could become just a memory. The Americans will not, of course,
allow this to happen. This was why they started implementing a plan for the disintegration
of Arab countries from the inside. This will leave no large Arab state united.
Therefore, there will never be an Arab army that can defeat Israel.
The US had reached the climax of
its Arab Spring dream by putting the Muslim Brotherhood in power. Washington reached
an agreement with the Brotherhood for the partition plan to be implemented.
This was revealed by the American
Global Research Center in a research paper that was released on June 28, 2013.
In this paper, the center indicates
that the Barack Obama administration pursued a policy of covert support for the
Muslim Brotherhood and other rebel movements in the Middle East since 2010.
It reveals an important document,
titled 'Middle East Partnership Initiative: An Overview'.
This is the document that defined
an evolving structure of State Department programs aimed at building civil
society organizations to change the internal politics of target countries.
The document also indicates that
the Obama administration launched a proactive campaign to change regimes
throughout the Middle East and North Africa.
The document reveals that the campaign
works primarily with the civil society, through influential non-governmental
organizations based in the US, and in the region. It confirms that the priority
in early 2010 was given to Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain. Within
a year of launching the campaign, Libya and Syria were added to the list of
countries with the highest priority for civil society intervention.
The US continues to make attempts
in this regard. It stopped trying for a while, after the June 30 revolution.
This revolution ended the partition project. It also returned the Islamist
genie to its bottle.
Nonetheless, the American
administration is rearranging its cards, and resuming the implementation of the
scheme.
We face a major movement, in which
many parties are participating. The US sponsors this movement for the sake of
Israel which contributes to it diligently because it secures its future, not only
the political one, but also the existential one.
The European Union also seeks to support
its many interests in the region, which means that we are facing a
confrontation with British, French and German intelligence, as well as with the
international organization of the Muslim Brotherhood which dreams of founding
its own state.
There is also Turkey that wants to
pay the price of its aspired accession into the European Union, and Qatar that dreams
of playing an influential role in the region at the expense of major countries,
such as Egypt.